New developments in the social and human sciences in China have aroused worldwide attention. Foreign people are curious about the great changes in Chinese cultural life during the past ten years because China has a brilliant cultural heritage dating back three thousand years: the world still expects a lot from her. That fact raises a big question both at home and abroad: will a country that contributed so much to world culture in the past continue to do so in the changed, modern period? In order to answer this question we have to understand more thoroughly and more deeply the present situation of Chinese culture and the humanities.
China boasts the longest uninterrupted cultural development in the world; this fact helps to explain why people have always taken a great interest in cultural and scholarly activities. Traditionally there were three major scholarly disciplines: philosophy, history, and literature; their formation has been different from that of the corresponding Western disciplines. Even today we Chinese prefer to use the names of this triad (wen-shih-che) to represent the main branches of the humanities. In the earliest period of Chinese scholarship, the practical and theoretical parts were not separated, but later gradually a distinction between practical learning and quasi-theoretical learning became apparent. Certain subjects like politics, military affairs, religion, entertainment, and other social and private activities become more distinct from one another, especially in the written expression of these matters. But in comparison with the classification of subjects in ancient Western scholarship, practical and theoretical knowledge have always remained linked in China. One can say that traditional Chinese learning is mainly empirical, practical, and ethical, that it is stronger in literary description and moral judgment than in logical analysis and the systematic articulation of the disciplines.
When at the beginning of this century Western culture and thought started making inroads into China, Chinese intellectuals were angered by the aggressive Western attitude, but they could not help recognizing the superiority of Western culture in two major domains: democracy and scientific method. To overcome the lacunae of Chinese culture in these two respects became subsequently the main objective of the new political and cultural movements. In this process the natural sciences and the social sciences or the humanities met quite different reactions. For throughout China's long history her rulers and scholars had often adopted a tolerant and sometimes even an encouraging attitude toward technological progress, although the significance of science and scientific technology was not truly appreciated. Thus when the benefits of Western technology became apparent in the modern period, the Chinese had almost no difficulty in accepting this aspect of Western culture. With regard to the Western social sciences and humanities, however, successive Chinese governments have shown caution and even raised objections, in varying degrees. Of the present government it can be said that it has a quite open-minded policy toward Western culture and scholarship, including the humanities. Under this tolerant policy Western culture in the humanities is again being introduced into China, bringing with it fruitful results. When considering the present-day conditions of Chinese culture and the humanities, it should he borne in mind that these conditions are shaped by four major forces: the cultural policy of the government, the spontaneous reception of Western culture by the majority of young people living in urban areas, the inner momentum of the Chinese humanities, and finally the adherence by a powerful minority to traditional Chinese scholarship.
1. The History of Cultural Modernization
The history of Chinese cultural modernization in this century can he divided roughly into three periods: a first period of active modernization, introducing widely Western knowledge and cultural activities (from about 1910 to 1937); a second period of passive development (from 1937 to 1978); and a third period, again of active modernization, during which Western knowledge is widely being disseminated (since 1978). I shall address here the general situation in this third period, namely, the cultural development over the past ten years. But in order to do so I need to give some background by tracing the recent situation to the earlier periods. For about twenty years prior to the Japanese invasion, there were three principal types of scholarly activities in China: comprehensive absorption of Western thought and culture; serious reorganization of China's scholarly and cultural heritage along more scientific lines; and lastly, an effort to harmonize these divergent traditions present in the early stages of the modernization of Chinese Society. Most of China's great scholars at that time, even those specializing in Western studies, hard a rich background in traditional Chinese education. Many endeavored to reconcile the different Western and Chinese approaches to philosophy, history, and literature, often achieving rather satisfactory results. Nevertheless, we should remember that these often mentioned early efforts at harmonizing the two cultures were hasty and lacked a thorough understanding of Western thought. That is, mainly those themes were chosen for discussion which were readily suited to reconciliation by virtue of their relation to the traditional Chinese problematic. The Confucian scholars' traditional pride explains why the men engaged in the task of harmonizing Western and Chinese cultures believed that any conflict between them had already been basically resolved. And the conclusions reached in this first stage continue to be echoed even today.
The outbreak of World War II proved to be a serious obstacle to the progress of Chinese cultural modernization for many decades. After the late 40s the orientation of cultural development on the mainland shifted completely. And when the Cultural Revolution was launched in 1966 cultural activities of various kinds were systematically and completely destroyed. On the other hand the work of Chinese scholars living abroad became largely determined by regional interests, with little carry-over from the first period of modernization. As a result these scholars passively continued the tradition of oriental learning in the West. In short, during the second period of cultural modernization the earlier emphasis on integrating Chinese and Western cultures disappeared. In my view that was a lamentable setback for the cultural development of China.
The third period of Chinese cultural modernization began just over ten years ago, starting on the mainland but developing gradually also among Chinese scholars abroad. These years mark the beginning of a new cultural era in China, and this for several reasons:
1) Despite occasional political interference, academic and cultural activities have enjoyed generally much greater freedom than during the former period. As a consequence an increase in publications and the growth of cultural activities are indicative of a new cultural movement reminiscent of the first period of cultural modernization.
2) Contents of Western culture introduced into China over the past ten years have gradually become mainstream. The causes for this are evident. Chinese intellectuals in higher educational and academic institutions returned spontaneously to their earlier fascination with Western culture, and published many introductory books on modern Western thought. A persistent nation-wide English language program has improved the mastery of English of the majority of young people. And finally the government has encouraged an ever-increasing number of academic and cultural exchanges with many Western countries.
3) The continuity between the first and the present period of cultural modernization is manifested not only in the concentrated interest in Western culture and scholarship but also in the similarity of problems under consideration.
4) Chinese scholars abroad have also paid greater attention to contemporary Western humanities. This can he explained in part by the movement on the mainland, but it also has independent roots.
However, in spite of its similarities with the first period of cultural modernization, the current phase is different in many ways. As the social effects of introducing Western culture and scholarship into China have been carefully controlled, much of the work has been done quietly and without much publicity.
2. Philosophy
During the first period of cultural modernization philosophical discussions played a more important role in Chinese cultural life than today. This was due partly to the traditionally privileged position of Confucian philosophy and partly to the cultural uncertainty created by the fall of the last empire in 1911. Deeply perplexed about the future orientation of Chinese culture and scholarship, the intellectuals of the period tended naturally to trace the problems back to their fundamental roots in Chinese and Western philosophies. And it was here that they found their traditional belief and learning most seriously challenged.
Since 1978 the situation of Chinese philosophy has undergone another major change. The former philosophical dogmatism has been widely put into doubt. However, it is worth noting that the relation between Marxism and the main Western philosophies has never become the focus of an intense academic debate, nor have such philosophical confrontations had any political, cultural, or social impact. Although the majority of younger scholars and students has shown an increasing interest in contemporary Western philosophical problems, the resulting discussions have been limited to academic questions. On the whole, in philosophy the past ten years have been a period of learning and improved understanding, but not one of debate and argument. What is most important is that today a number of contemporary Western philosophies can be studied and that a peaceful coexistence between Marxism and these Western philosophies has been reached.
We can mention four main areas of philosophical research in China today:
1) Marxist philosophy. As it is the theoretical foundation of the political and economic theories of Communist China, Marxism remains the leading philosophy. It is the philosophy taught in philosophy and non-philosophy departments in all universities, colleges, and institutes. The standard textbooks are written by a group of specialists under the auspices of the ministry of higher education.
2) Classical Chinese philosophy. Scholars in this area are more specialized than those in other philosophical areas, for their work suffered less from earlier political interference. Some in this group are mainly concerned with the Marxist interpretation of the Chinese classics, while others concentrate on philological and historical studies of the texts. As they have become increasingly involved in international discussions of sinology, these scholars feel the need to expand the scope of their knowledge.
3) Classical Western philosophy. The work in this area that began in the first period of modernization continued, though on a reduced scale, throughout the second period, and this for several reasons. For Marxism, classical Western philosophy, i.e., Western philosophy from its beginnings until Hegel, is important as one of the sources of Marxism, and is thought to contain some valuable tenets. On the other hand, this period of Western philosophy has less to do with the contemporary ideological struggle. Therefore some Chinese philosophers in this area, who had received good training abroad, were allowed to pursue their interests by translating and editing classical texts. Thus over the past forty years works by Kant, Hegel, et al., have been translated and published in China.
4) Contemporary Western philosophy, 1,e., Western philosophy after Marx. In present-day China this is a special area of the history of philosophy. Owing to Lenin's judgment, this part of Western philosophy had been officially cut off from classical Western philosophy. Also its terminology and problematics were much more difficult to understand than classical Western philosophy. Lately, however, the situation is gradually changing as more and more younger scholars turn to the study of contemporary Western philosophy. And one can say that today this area has become the most welcome and the most important one for Chinese philosophical life.
Among the many philosophical discussions and debates taking place in China today, the most significant ones are those concerned with the direction philosophical development is to take. In these discussions the following trends can be distinguished:
1) Encouraged partly by Chinese philosophers working abroad and by some Western sinologists, and also in response to the academic competition from the international community, some philosophers in classical Chinese philosophy are becoming more ambitious and are hoping to reinstate some original topics of Chinese philosophy as the leading themes of future philosophical discussions in China. Thus they challenge the predominant position assumed by Western philosophy in the world today. Recently many debates have taken place concerning the re-evaluation of traditional Chinese philosophy. For the moment this resurgence of philosophical nationalism has attracted only a few followers, but it is likely that it will increase its influence in the near future. The main point of this trend is that we Chinese should take classical Chinese philosophy as the basic framework into which we can integrate useful aspects. of foreign philosophies, transforming the latter into an organic part of the former. Such an attitude had already surfaced during the first period of cultural modernization.
2) For the past ten years another philosophical area has gained influence in China, namely the area called “natural dialectic” or “philosophy of natural sciences”. This large academic circle consists of intellectuals coming from three different spheres: Marxism, Western philosophy of science, and the sciences. They try to combine Marxist principles, Western scientific knowledge, and philosophy of science with the aim of substantially reforming classical Marxism. The work in this area has in general enjoyed the support of the academic authorities. Furthermore, the philosophers in this area have shown a greater concern for the influence of philosophy on social reality than their colleagues in the areas of classical Western philosophy and contemporary Western philosophy. On the other hand, they are no longer interested in the typically idealist topics of dialectics and claim to be more scientific in their work. But those engaged in classical and contemporary Western philosophy believe that this work in the area of philosophy of science does not go deep enough.
3) As knowledge of twentieth-century Western philosophy has become more widespread, Chinese philosophers have turned increasingly to the two divergent trends that mark this period. Five years ago these trends were labeled “scientific” and “humanist”; today they are known by their Western names, as “analytic” and “continental”. Although the number of Chinese philosophers attracted to the analytic school is comparatively small, they appear to have a more thorough understanding of their subject. These highly specialized philosophers accept almost completely the position of Western analytic philosophy and promote their work steadily and convincingly, according to its prescribed methods. However, among younger philosophers research in continental philosophy in its various forms is more popular. On the whole they pursue philosophy energetically and ambitiously as significant for life. Generally speaking, these young philosophers speak and write more eloquently and exercise more social and cultural influence. But they have often been criticized for a lack of firm knowledge and logical training. It is important to note that Chinese philosophers are aware of a similar situation in America with respect to these two philosophical traditions. At some institutions in China the question of which contemporary direction to pursue has been explicitly discussed.
4) Under the influence of the latest developments in the Western humanities, some Chinese philosophers have been paying closer attention to the interdisciplinary orientation in the human sciences. They stress the need for dialogue between the various human sciences and the different fields of philosophical research. They believe that in the final decade of this century we have the important task of reorganizing and integrating the systems of the social and human sciences in order to make research more relevant and effective. Scholars should be liberated from the confining academic specialization’s that have been customary in the profession. Not surprisingly, this attitude meets with much objection on the part of mainstream philosophers who have not been able to follow the interdisciplinary writings of their contemporary Western colleagues. The advocates of the interdisciplinary approach to philosophy also wish to promote a dialogue between contemporary Western philosophy and classical Chinese philosophy, but unlike the philosophers mentioned above under point 1) they do not want to favor one to the disadvantage of the other.
5) finally, many Chinese philosophers feel that it is very important today not to prefer blindly one. type of philosophy to another. The differences between China and the West, but also between the different Western countries, in terms of intellectual background, social history, stages of development, and educational levels, are too great to permit a hurried decision in favor of one or another Western or Chinese philosophy. In order to make a proper judgment on the matter Chinese philosophers need now to concentrate on deepening their knowledge of contemporary Western philosophy. This strategic attitude is quite different from the attitude of “complete Westernization”, which is a form of spiritual cowardliness. Understanding does not entail outright acceptance. For example, we can pay close attention to all kinds of Western anti-methodological doctrines and try to grasp their epistemological significance; however, we cannot simply follow this movement, when today we are in fact seriously lacking in any modern methodological tradition.
3. Literature
The important role of literature in modern Chinese cultural history deserves special mention. In this century no other cultural sphere can compare with literature for its strong influence, privileged position, and dignity. The most important and influential thinkers in this century are not the philosophers or historians but the novelists and essayists. That also means that the opinion-formers in modern China are creative literary men rather than academics. The sociological background of Chinese literature is multifarious:
1) In ancient China literature always played a very important role. Though not professional writers, the politicians, historians, and philosophers were all excellent writers or poets. With such a great tradition, literature has naturally become the most convenient channel for social and cultural thought.
2) Since the beginning of this century the foreign literary genre of the novel has rapidly caught on in China, becoming the favorite and most influential form of literary expression. A number of Chinese writers found the novel as well as the short story the most desirable means to express, synthetically and emotionally, their thoughts, feelings and social criticism. Throughout the century novel writing has acquired in China a status comparable to the one it had achieved in nineteenth- century Russia. The leading novelists have become the maitres d penser of the majority.
3) The different governments have consciously maintained a cultural policy according to which novel writing has been most encouraged and rewarded. As a result this form of literary activity has become one of the surest ways of gaining influence.
4) The majority of young people prefer reading novels to pondering over scholarly texts; this is the reason why novels have such great social effect in China.
Given this background it is not difficult to see how the modern Chinese novel has been intricately intertwined with Chinese social and political life. Because of their influence on society, Chinese writers have been actively involved in all the major political and ideological events of this century.
As far as literary criticism as a discipline goes, China has lacked a theoretical tradition until recently. In ancient times most literary studies were concerned with practical essays based on empirical learning about how to read and appreciate poetry and prose. Since the beginning of this century literary history has become the leading form of modern Chinese literary studies. At the same time normative criticism has become the standard form of literary commentary. This critical tendency can be traced back to many sources: for example, Confucianism, nineteenth-century Russian criticism, Russian Marxist theory of literature, and Maoist literary theory. All of these theories about literature have furnished the guiding principles for literary writing. Western literary theory and criticism did not receive much attention until quite recently.
Since 1978 both literary activity and literary scholarship have undergone considerable changes. The novel has become an impotent critical voice against the earlier social and political dogmatism. We can say that contemporary novels are committed to an unprecedented form of critical realism, expressing painful experiences and exposing the political crimes of earlier socialist periods. It is evident that novelists during the third period of modernization have contributed greatly to the new political revolution. In fact many famous novelists have now become political figures. As a direct reflection of current Chinese reality these contemporary novels have aroused great interest abroad. There is no doubt that these novels show with more originality the true nature of Chinese society, and for this reason the art of the contemporary novel in China is highly sociological. Thus it is not surprising that the most successful novels are those that treat deep social concerns. But with the recent relaxation of the dogmatic control of literary theory, there appear also an increasing number of purely aesthetic works, both in poetry and fiction, which would indicate that the future development of Chinese literature will be pluralist. Chinese literature will certainly have to face more and more intellectual and aesthetic challenges from foreign cultural sources.
Literary studies in China have followed two main trends over the past ten years, viz. ideological criticism and literary theory. The former is a natural successor to earlier forms of criticism but with a different point of view. It advocates greater freedom in writing and sharply opposes earlier literary dogmatism. New Marxist critics of the present period of modernization, as we may call them, strongly support writers of the new type of novels, and are engaged in controversy with the surviving dogmatic critics of the preceding period. It is evident that these debates are entirely ideological and deeply involved with the present political movement.
Up to now ideological literary criticism has been dominant in Chinese literary studies, but recently a more scientific approach to literature has also started to manifest itself. Because of the novelty of this kind of literary study in China, and given the absence of a native tradition in literary theory, it is the young who are most attracted to it. For the past three years, due to some decline in literary creativity, some writers too have turned to literary theory. This has further loosened the ties between actual writing and literary theory. In this connection it is important to know that in China one often notices an inverse correlation between educational level and interest in the products of contemporary Chinese writers: people with a higher educational background are often less eager to read what their own writers are producing. Confronted with the contemporary developments in world literature, it is inevitable that Chinese writers must become interested in the theoretical problems of literary creation. For concern with social problems does not automatically lead to literary works of high quality. Stimulated in part by this dilemma of Chinese literary creation, younger scholars are eager to deepen their understanding of literary aesthetics. Thus the general trend of present-day Chinese literary theory and criticism is to shift gradually from some form of social commitment to the objective analysis of the multiple aspects and functions of literary works.
Another very promising area of literary studies is the investigation of classical Chinese literary criticism. This area is in a much more favorable situation than the investigation of classical Chinese 'philosophy. For philosophical problems are perennial, which means that even problems raised in ancient times cannot be studied independently of contemporary debates. But classical literary criticism can be studied philologically or historically. Appreciation and empirical analysis of ancient texts of literary criticism do not require much reference to the contemporary intellectual situation; thus this area of literary study can maintain its scholarly originality without being concerned too much about contemporary developments. However, although ancient Chinese literature is a world unto itself, scholars outside this area are beginning to feel the need of an academic dialogue between the study of classical Chinese literature and that of contemporary Western literary theory. Yet the prospects and modalities of such a dialogue are still very unclear.
4. History
History was one of the three great traditional subjects in ancient China. For three thousand years Chinese scholars have been deeply interested in recording historical events and have left an unparalleled body of historical literature. Traditional historiography has in general the same orientation as classical Chinese literary studies: it is ideologically practical and morally normative, and consists of historiographical, philological, typological, and ethical discussions. Modern Chinese historiography dates from the eighteenth century, i.e., from the middle of the Qing dynasty (Manchu), and by comparison with earlier periods it is more scientific. Historians from the schools of this period began systematically to compare and check old texts, and they were thus able to correct many errors. Following these earlier methods and helped by modern Western methods of empirical research, contemporary Chinese studies have contributed significantly to historical textual criticism. This type of technical research suffered least from ideological interference during the past decades. Chinese historiography has remained a privileged domain in which Chinese scholars are evidently superior to their Western counterparts.
According to Marxist principles, historical studies should be among the leading disciplines and be closely connected to political realities. So between 1949 and 1978 this field was strictly supervised in China. Soviet-style historical materialism became the dominant guideline in historical research and teaching. One of the most remarkable achievements of the past ten years for Chinese historiographers is the official recognition that historical materialism as a philosophy of history should be separated from concrete historiographical methodologies. Because of this ideological emancipation, methodological problems have become the topics of many national congresses of historical science. In the first years after 1978 several younger scholars tried to update the old system of historiography, to make it more scientific in its terminology and formulations, by simply following the model of the natural sciences. But now that more translations of Western texts on historical methodology have become available in the past five years, one begins to realize that the modernization of historical science needs more preparation. There exists the danger that all too scientifically minded scholars, who lack adequate background in historical literature and the established disciplines of historical methodology, tend to simplify the enormously complex task of historiography, and replace the old historical dogmatism with a new one. Today more and more scholars in this area realize that the modernization of the epistemology and methodology of historical studies cannot he obtained by some superficial philosophical adaptation. An understanding of the multi-layered and complex causal network of Chinese history cannot be based on some simple philosophy, be it even a fashionable philosophy of science. with this broader understanding of the nature of historiography, Chinese historical researchers are paying more and more attention to a new, independent discipline called “historical methodology”. Several scholars have chosen to work in this new area. But it is a typical interdisciplinary field whose considerations branch out to other related areas. For this reason routine historical work has not yet profited much from it, though some contemporary Western historiographical schools, for example the French Annales school, have had some influence.
It is worth noting that the differences between the old dogmatist historiography and the new Western approaches have not prompted any heated debate. Discussions concerning the applicability of the model of the natural sciences to historiography have taken place, but competent historians never took seriously the superficial comparisons between human history and natural history. The potentially most serious debates in Chinese historiography occur between those wanting to go back to traditional Chinese historiography and those who favor contemporary Western methodologies. These debates may multiply in the future, because especially in the field of history scholarship can be strongly nationalistic. I suppose these debates will last for several decades. Actually, many Chinese scholars working abroad are determined advocates of the traditional Chinese historiographical methods, while among the historians in mainland China the majority favors Western methods. However, the former group enjoys more political influence in China, so that the issue will remain alive for a long time among Chinese academics.
Compared with philosophy and literature, history plays a less influential role in China today. Most scholars in the human sciences are unconcerned with historical problems; and most professional historians continue their usual research without paying much attention to methodological and epistemological discussions. But in the near future historical investigation will most certainly attract greater interest in the social and human sciences in China.
5. Linguistics and Psychology
The general tendency in Chinese linguistics over the past decades has been toward empirical studies of various kinds. These include the production of grammar textbooks, revision of the spelling system, and investigation of dialects. Almost all distinguished linguists engage in this kind of practical research and show little interest in purely theoretical problems.
Recently, a few younger linguists have become interested in general linguistics and have translated foreign books and articles on the subject. However, they have not yet had a wide impact even within their own circle. For a long time general linguistics or theoretical linguistics were regarded as useless and misleading. Only recent contacts with Western linguists are inciting more younger scholars to undertake theoretical studies. Generally speaking, specialists in general linguistics are attentive to American trends. Initially their concern was with the American descriptive school of linguistics and then later with the work of Noam Chomsky. So far these theoretical studies have not exercised much influence on Chinese linguistics; but with the growing importance of computer technology more and more efforts are being made in this direction, which is in keeping with the traditional practical orientation of Chinese linguistics. The achievements of Western theoretical linguistics in this century present an awesome challenge to Chinese linguists, which is not easily met given the traditional character of academic Chinese linguistics. Furthermore, as interest in semiotics spreads throughout the humanities, some younger linguists feel compelled to strengthen their theoretical knowledge. Finally, more scientific inquiries into the unique features of the Chinese language also require better theoretical tools. Thus mere empirical studies are not enough to ensure a solid development of scientific linguistics in China.
Unlike the scholarly areas that we have mentioned so far, psychology completely lacks an indigenous basis in China. In contrast with the role Western philosophy has played in relation to psychology classical Chinese philosophy could not offer a starting point, not even an introspective one, for a native tradition in psychology. This is due to the fact that Chinese philosophy lacks a strong tradition of analysis. In spite of this, Chinese intellectuals quickly adapt to a psychological way of thinking. Already at the beginning of the first period of modernization the different varieties of Western psychology were introduced into China. During the 20s there were frequent discussions about behaviorism, experimental psychology, and even psychoanalysis, as well as of the entire Western tradition of philosophical psychology. In 1949 this pluralist approach to the study of psychology was replaced by the monism of the official Soviet psychology, and the discipline was assigned to the natural sciences. As a result psychology was one of the least fruitful disciplines in China. Only after 1978 did it resume its normal activities. Among the various schools Piaget's doctrine has aroused the greatest interest. Although previously Pavlov's doctrine had been accepted on principle in China, independent experimentation was never undertaken in this direction. The new psychological investigations underway in China today need to be bolstered by further work in both the scientific and the humanistic aspects of the domain.
In the early twentieth century China was one of the few countries outside the European tradition to take a strong interest in psychoanalysis as a theory of sexuality. Chinese intellectuals have been traditionally curious about sex-related problems, so they were particularly receptive to reflections on this subject coming from psychoanalysis. Following the gradual relaxation of sexual taboos over the past ten years, sex and sexology are more openly discussed. Consequently psychoanalysis has once again become an important subject within the Chinese academic community. However, much time will be needed to transform curiosity into serious investigations in this field.
6. Sociology and Anthropology
Sociological investigations in modern China have always been weak, particularly with respect to theoretical work. Before 1949 a few Chinese sociologists had carried out some introductory work and translated some Western literature on the subject. Most of the latter comprised Anglo-American studies in applied sociology. After 1949 research in Western sociology was halted in the name of Marxist social theory. But in 1978 sociology was one of the first social sciences to be resuscitated. Currently it is again orientated to American applied sociology, which is thought to be complementary to Marxist social philosophy. Senior sociologists who had survived from the earlier period insisted on the importance of applied sociology, but younger scholars began to question the soundness of the earlier Chinese sociology. They soon found that so far in China little was known about modern sociological theories. The awareness that we must expand out knowledge in this field has sparked a renewed vigor in studying Western sociological doctrines. Today Max Weber's theory has gained central importance among Chinese sociologists. Yet here again the more profound aspects cannot be absorbed without a more thorough theoretical preparation. Nevertheless, the introduction of Weber, Durkheim, Parsons, Merton, and Schutz into the discussions of Chinese sociology is highly significant. In the future the achievements of theoretical sociology will certainly influence Chinese research in history, literature, politics, and the arts.
The academic background of Chinese anthropology is even weaker than that of Chinese sociology. At the beginning of the twentieth century anthropology was limited to empirical studies without theory and with little field work. Anthropology is still waiting to become a discipline. No one doubts that simple ethnological reports are not true anthropological studies. For the past few years there has been a growing interest among aestheticians, literary theorists, and philosophers in cultural anthropology — for example, in the work of Claude Levi-Strauss — but this is not considered as part of anthropology itself. The lack of theoretical knowledge seriously limits Chinese scholars' grasp of the new developments in this discipline and in other fields related to it.
7. Religion
Throughout the long history of Chinese philosophy and religion studies within religious philosophies were frequent, but there was no philosophy of religion or investigation of religious practice as such. That is to say, religion was a way of thinking, not a subject for objective investigation. Compared with the situation of Chinese philosophy in this century, religious studies have not acquired any importance, with the exception at some religious historiographical work. Over the past ten years more and more research has been undertaken on Chinese Buddhism, but this is more descriptive than theoretical in nature. Most Buddhist scholars are familiar only with Buddhist texts and do not refer to other modern sources. Thus despite all these activities theoretical work remains limited. Studies of Western theology are still lacking. Only a few younger philosophers, not students of religion, have shown some interest in contemporary Western theology and ins relation to hermeneutic philosophy, but this is unlikely to lead to major change in the status of religious studies in the near future.
8. Political Science
Political science as a discipline distinct from Marxist philosophy regained its standing in China ten years ago, but its scholarly direction remains unclear. Theoretically and practically it should be more involved in actual politics. In some respects it seems inclined to support the present political reform movement, but this involvement is nonetheless limited. Unlike their counterparts in sociology, Chinese political scientists show no interest in theoretical work and remain satisfied with practical investigations. Apart from some possible external reasons, the lack of qualified scholars seems to be the main reason why this subject has contributed so little to the recent period of cultural modernization. Moreover, since few people distinguish between politics and political science, the current lively political debates make them overlook the paucity of scholarly activities in political science.
Compared with political science the study of law in China appears to be much more active and fruitful. This is mainly due to the fact that the government has continually encouraged scholarship in this field. But most of the effort until now has concentrated on various applied legal theories and little on more theoretical matters.
Sociologically, it is interesting to note that Chinese scholars of the younger generation have been more attracted to philosophy and literary studies than to political science or law. However, the young are quick to express their opinions on current political issues, which implies that their views are based more on speculative arguments than on positive scientific reasons. It is all too easy to mix speculation directly with action and to avoid the burden of more solid scientific investigation.
9. Comparative Studies
Over the past five years a new academic discipline called “comparative studies” has become increasingly popular. Although comparative studies exist in disciplines like philosophy, religion, and law, they are best developed as comparative literature, a discipline which has been strongly supported both by the government and foreign academics. Chinese scholars had to endure a long separation from the international academic community, and it has been tempting therefore to find a domain in which Chinese scholars seem to be on an equal footing with their Western counterparts. In point of fact, in comparative literature they even enjoy a superiority as far as the Chinese sources are concerned. Such international respect has spurred Chinese scholars both at home and abroad to further their activities in this domain. But here, as in other areas, Chinese scholars have to learn that the modern approach to their subjects is becoming more complex and more theoretically demanding, that without mastering several related disciplines it is no longer possible to be successful in one of them. Thus Chinese scholars in comparative literature have to face a serious intellectual challenge if they want to acquire a competence that goes beyond merely local topics of limited interest. On the other hand, their participation in international discussions is an important channel through which the study of Chinese literature can improve.
10. Arts and Studies of Arts
In modern China most current theoretical work concerning the arts has been done in “philosophical aesthetics”, which is a rather popular discipline based on Western models. Today aesthetics seems to cover a middle ground between more solid philosophical reflections and less strict literary essays. However, though it is widely discussed, this aesthetics contributes little to an understanding of the contemporary situation of the arts in China.
The “art studies” on the other hand, are mostly concerned with historical descriptions. In China one often says that theory should be applied to practice, but unfortunately these theoretical studies, too, are incapable of giving a satisfactory interpretation of artistic practice in contemporary China, with the help of which the arts could meet the terrible challenge of modernization.
Art in the first half of this century was not so distant from classical art and Chinese artists were better able to deal with the relationship between contents and forms. Today we still can see many valuable art works of that period, be they in painting, architecture, music, dance, Opera, drama, or even film. Artists working in the various media were able to harmonize more successfully the conflicting aesthetics of the East and the West. But in that period Western culture had not yet acquired a dominant position in every area. There followed a long cultural isolation that culminated in the ravages of the cultural Revolution which brought everything to a standstill. The majority of younger Chinese intellectuals emerged from this period indifferent to traditional Chinese art. They became therefore fervent admirers of the Western popular arts as soon as these were allowed to enter China. In view of this development young attests today are hesitant about their creative direction. This situation has provoked much discussion of what is generally called “the crisis in Chinese painting”. It seems that neither the repetition of traditional realistic subjects nor the imitation of modern Western styles can inspire today's artists to produce great art.
Chinese painting has aroused more attention abroad than have other artistic media. As far as music goes, China has many technically brilliant instrumentalists, singers and conductors, but few successful composers ¾ a worrisome problem for China's spiritual life. Film ¾ making is hardly in a better position. Despite the success of some Chinese films at international festivals, the critical situation of Chinese film-making is often evoked in the press. As a synthetic art Chinese film culture is confronted with problems similar to those afflicting Chinese literature. In both domains the urgent problem for artists is not to know how to express more successfully, but what to express. If artists in these areas fail to grasp the deeper meanings of current culture, they will remain mediocre.
In saying that the key problems for painting and music are a lack of inspiration and pathos, and for literature and film a lack of cultural depth, we have at least an idea of where change and improvement might occur. Compared to this, the situation of traditional Chinese open with its unique aesthetic potential seems hopeless, and no solution is in sight. Here the relevant social and cultural circumstances have shifted drastically. In almost every aspect the classical Chinese opera fails to attract modern audiences. The serious lack of an educational background in traditional culture necessary to appreciate this medium could in principle be remedied. Yet the greater problem is the gap separating modern Western taste from traditional Chinese taste, a gap which is deeply rooted in historical and geographical divergence. The fact is that without constant government support the professional artists involved in opera would have no livelihood at all.
Cultural modernization has created difficulties in other art forms too, but space does not permit a more detailed account. Owing to the weak standing of the indigenous fine arts, Western art, particularly in the area at the popular arts, has become dominant in urban cultural life. Mary Chinese artists are reluctant to be cheap imitators of the Western arts and try to insist on traditional Chinese styles. But successful works of art cannot he created merely on the basis of nationalistic sentiment. The predicament of the Chinese arts reveals the need to deepen our knowledge of culture, history, and art. Without a profound understanding of the aesthetic problems concerned, we will hardly find a solution to our difficulties. But as we have mentioned above, in the studies at the various arts very little theoretical research has been undertaken. It is a promising sign, however, that this situation is gradually changing as younger scholars take an increased interest in art theories and translate the relevant literature. We can expect further efforts in this direction.
11. Conclusion
When we talk about the latest developments in cultural phenomena and the human sciences in China today, we should distinguish two deeper structural levels: one is the level of political and ideological shifts and processes (the direct level); and the other is the level of the inherent cultural mechanisms (the indirect level). The present situation in Chinese culture and the Chinese social and human sciences is the outcome of the combined action of these structural forces. As soon as the political factors play a less important role in cultural life, the inner conflicts between traditional Chinese and modern Western culture must become more evident. Because of the two levels, when we consider the problems of Chinese culture and of the Chinese social and human sciences, there are two different standards by which to measure the significance of the subjects discussed. Nowadays, more attention is paid both at home and abroad, to cultural and scholarly shifts with political implications. But if we want to deepen our understanding of the developmental problems in the Chinese human sciences and their cultural circumstances, we should take a more academic, theoretical approach. Unfortunately, what is presently offered by Chinese scholars or Western sinologists is inadequate to meet this theoretical objective. A first step in this direction would be, I believe, to abandon the fixed idea that West is West and East is East. No matter how different the cultures may be, communication is possible between them, because they can exist in one and the same mind, that is, in a free land in which each element is allowed to touch every other. In the second place, theoretical efforts must be increased concerning every aspect, and the theoretical objectives should clearly be demarcated from practical ones.
China, as one of the great cultures of the world, has undergone the shock of Western civilization and lived through successive periods of adaptation and cultural depression; now she is beginning to renew her cultural efforts. Like an organism, China has been ridding herself of the illness that has plagued her for so long, and wants to resume doing what she has done for thousands of years, but now in much larger and much more complicated surroundings. What can we expect of her in this new beginning? In all fairness one must admit that what she has achieved in the past ten years is already remarkable, especially when seen against the background of the preceding three decades. The promised cultural effort looks heroic, but no cultural future can be built purely on the will to cultural survival alone. A great number of political, economic, historical, and traditional factors interact constantly in this large cultural organism. We can only hope that our choices will fit well into this interplay! * This paper was read on November 3, 1988 before the Philosophical Society of Fribourg, Switzerland and appeared in Studies in Soviet Thought, vol. 38, Kluwer Academic Publisher, 1989. |